Mary Louise Clifford

LETTER VIII
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Diary of Anna Maria Falconbridge

LETTER VIII.

FREE TOWN, July 1, 1792.

My dear Friend,

We accompanied Mr. Gilbert to the Island of Banana, where he succeeded in getting some fresh stock, and after staying there two days, departed for your quarter of the globe, and I hope is safe arrived in London long ere now.

The Island of Bananas derives its name from the fruit so called, which grows there spontaneously and in great abundance, as do most tropical fruits. It is a small Island, but a wonderful productive healthful spot, throngly [sic] inhabited by clean, tidy, sociable, and obliging people.

They have a town much larger and more regularly built than any other native town I have yet seen. The inhabitants are mostly vassals to one Mr. Cleavland [a few lines further on Anna Maria spells his name Cleveland], a black man, who claims the sovereignty of the Island from hereditary right.118 The houses are chiefly constructed in a circular form, but of the same kind of stuff with those I formerly noticed. In the centre of the town is a Palaver, or Court House; here we observed a bed neatly made up, a wash-hand bason, clean napkin, and every apparatus of a bed chamber. This had a very curious appearance; but we were told that the late Mr. Cleveland used to indulge himself with the luxury of sleeping in this airy place, and the inhabitants superstitiously thinking (though he has been dead more than a year) that he yet invisibly continues the practice, they would not upon any account forego the daily ceremony of making up his bed, placing fresh water, &c. as was the custom in his life time. The idolatry shewn the memory of this man, I make no doubt is greatly encouraged by his son, as it secures consequence and popularity to him.119 He was from home, I therefore did not see him, but understand he is clever and (being educated in England) rather polished in his manners.

We sailed from the Bananas in company with Mr. Gilbert, consequently my time was so short that I am not able to give you but a very superficial account of that Island; but shall refer you to Lieutenant Mathews's Voyage to Sierra Leone, where you will find it amply described.120 While there, we dined on board an American ship commanded by an Irishman, who has since then been here entertaining himself at the expence of our Senators. He invited them all to dine with him, which being accepted (by every one but Mr. Clarkson and Falconbridge),121 they were treated with true Hibernian hospitality, and made beastly drunk.

Our illegitimate son of Mars was of the number who the master of the ship cull'd out for his butt [made the butt of his jokes].

The surveyor, James Cocks, was nicknamed by his fellow councillors ‘Captain of the soldiers’. Anna Maria is even less kind in calling him ‘our illegitimate son of Mars’.

He not only played upon him during dinner, but afterwards finding him lull'd into the arms of Morpheus in consequence of too much wine, had the ship's cook, a slave, dressed in the noble Captain's dashing coat, hat, sword, &c. and stationed immediately before him with a mop stick on his shoulder, when the master himself fired two pistols, very heavily charged, within an inch of his ear, and having thus roused him from his lethargy, the sable cook was desired to shew with what expertness he could perform the manual exercise which he went through, our Hero giving the word of command, to the ridicule of himself and great amusement of his colleagues and the ship's crew.

Surveyor Cocks is amiable, but inexperienced. He has been given charge of the tiny band of company soldiers, and prefers dressing up in his uniform and marching his battalion up and down to laying out lots and farms. Company plans are to augment the 18 European soldiers with 20 blacks. Cocks offers the Nova Scotian men extra provisions and free rum if they will enlist. Some do, but the white soldiers die one after the other until only four are left. They are sent home at their own request in September, leaving Freetown with only a black militia. Not many years pass before Sierra Leone will be known in England as the "white man’s grave."

The surveying is assigned to Cocks and Richard Pepys. Both delegate their work to junior officials. Anna Maria watches them quarrel over which laborers should work on their various projects. Work parties venture out to cut the great trees—African mahogany, cottonwood, ironwood, golden walnut, pearwood—and saw them into building lumber. Soon they are lured away by a different councillor promising higher wages, abandoning one work site for another. Pepys insists that the survey parties deserve a daily rum ration, a custom of long standing in the British navy. Clarkson very reluctantly agrees, but later regrets the concession because other work parties then demand the same privilege, and the men gradually acquire a taste for rum. When the workers are defeated by the huge trees entangled in masses of vines and creepers, white officials think them lazy, calling them ‘black rascals’.

Clarkson speaks at Anglican services every Sunday, which all the settlers are expected to attend, urging the congregation to behave in an exemplary manner, to set a good example for their brethren and for the heathen Africans. But his own English officials are hardly setting a good example. In a letter to England he confides that among his colleagues, "Pride, Arrogance, self-sufficiency, Meanness, Drunkenness, Atheism, and Idleness are daily practiced."122

When Cocks falls ill and returns to England in June, Clarkson writes in his journal that the man has done no surveying and has only caused confusion and expense. Engineer Pepys agrees to take charge of the surveying if he can add Cocks title to his own, but he is soon embroiled in a feud between his wife and the large family of storekeeper White. Anna Maria does not draw attention to the conduct of the women in the colony, but John Clarkson writes on March 29th that "the ladies in the colony, by their mutual jealousies and absurd notions of their rank and consequence, give rise to many private piques, which often cause open dissensions amongst the gentlemen, and the mischief they have occasioned from the time the ships left the Downs to the present cannot be estimated . . .."123

Blunt, outspoken, and insensitive to either the feelings of others or the gossip caused by his behavior, Richard Pepys soon interferes in the domestic affairs of Captain Wilson of the Harpy. In mid-August Clarkson writes that "Mr. Pepys has unfortunately made himself so unpopular with his brother officers and particularly of late—respecting his conduct about Mrs. Wilson, that many unpleasant things are said of him which never would have been agitated if he had conducted himself otherwise."124 It appears that Mrs. Wilson is ill and Captain Wilson not paying enough attention, at least in Mrs. Pepys’ mind. She nags Mr. Pepys until he takes matters into his own hands and extorts a promise from Captain Hoffman to take Mrs. Wilson home to England. John Clarkson believes that he would have to hire Captain Hoffman’s ship if this is to happen. Instead he offers to fit up a company ship, Catherine, for that purpose.125 He goes on to say, "I should not have made this offer, if I had not been fully satisfied of the advantages the colony would derive from Mrs. Wilson quitting it."126

Earlier Clarkson has written that Mr. P----- "is a very industrious, active, insinuating man, but these valuable qualifications are greatly lessened by an unbounded ambition, and a haughty and unpleasant way of carrying on business. He is, besides, such a decided stickler for the rights and privileges of the council, that he would suffer the colony to be ruined, sooner than relax one tittle of what he conceived to be his rights."127 He appears to have no sense of what other people are thinking or their reaction to his arrogant behavior.128

Since this, I have taught a large overgrown female Monkey of mine to go thro' several manoeuvres of the same and have made her exhibit when the Captain [Cocks] came to see me, who not seeing the diversion I was making of him, would sometimes take the pains of instructing her himself; but, poor fellow! he has been sadly galled lately by the arrival of a gentleman from England who supersedes him in his military capacity.

This "gentleman from England" is Isaac DuBois, an American planter. Is he important? Yes. Although Anna Maria never identifies him by name, he will play a pivotal role in the months to come. Keep him in mind.

When I last wrote to you, I was in hopes my next would atone by a more favourable and pleasing account for the hapless description I then gave of our new Colony, but alas! alas! in place of growing better, we seem daily advancing towards destruction, which certainly awaits us at no great distance unless some speedy change takes place.

There is about twelve thousand souls [Anna Maria clearly means twelve hundred], including all ranks of people, in the Colony, seven hundred or upwards of whom are at this moment suffering under the affliction of burning fevers. I suppose two hundred scarce able to crawl about and am certain not more, if so many, able to nurse the sick or attend to domestic and Colonial concerns. Five, six, and seven are dying daily, (about three-fourths of all the Europeans who went out in 1792 died in the course of the first nine or ten months) and buried with as little ceremony as so many dogs or cats.

The West African coast had a reputation for pestilence and rot unequaled anywhere in the world. The rains bring such heat and humidity, such galaxies of insects, that the jungle turns into an enervating soup of frightening diseases—malaria. dysentery, spotted fever, yaws, typhus, trypanosomiasis, hookworm, cholera, plague. Water carries bilharzia and guinea worm; mosquitos carry malaria and filariasis. Any drink of water or scrap of food can move bacteria and viruses into the human body where they quickly damage organs, vision, and memory.

It is quite customary of a morning to ask "how many died last night?" Death is viewed with the same indifference as if people were only taking a short journey, to return in a few days. Those who are well hourly expect to be laid up, and the sick look momentarily for the surly Tyrant to finish their afflictions, nay, seem not to care for life!

Clarkson soon orders the carpenters to stop making coffins, for the wood is needed more urgently to build houses.

The doctors sent out by the company are of very little use to the settlers, for they know almost nothing about treating malaria (which they called "ague"), sunstroke, scurvy, dysentery, or rheumatism. They have only chinchona bark (from which quinine would later be derived), opium, and laudanum to work with. Dr. Bell is already dead. Dr. Charles Thomas ministered to the sick during the winter passage from Nova Scotia, but the chills and fevers raging in the soggy equatorial heat are not part of his experience. Knowing how little he can do to aid the stricken, the hapless doctor wanders away almost daily to King Jemmy’s town nearby, where (according to his journal) he admires the flora, fauna, and nubile young women (who wear nothing but wraparounds called lappas and strings of beads). The spectacle of these half-naked women is a shocking contrast to the pious atmosphere ordained by the company’s sponsors. Taylor and another surgeon soon ask to return to England, as does a third man when Clarkson refuses to double his salary to compensate for the frustrating conditions.

Those who fall sick have very little effective medical attention, save for the healing skills of a young African woman who seeks refuge in the settlement. She has fled Signor Domingo’s village upriver because he intends to sell her—or so she claims. When she sees how many of the settlers are stricken with fever, she immediately brews infusions of local barks and herbs, which ease the symptoms for many of the sick. They are so delighted that they ask John Clarkson to buy her; the men pledge their labor to pay for her. The governor is very reluctant to get involved in the slave trade, but how can he refuse to redeem slaves who claim refuge in Freetown—particularly at the urging of leading settlers? In any case, this African woman is allowed to stay after promising that she will wear a blouse with her lappa.

After reading this, methinks I hear you invectively exclaim against the country and charging those ravages to its unhealthiness; but suspend your judgement for a moment and give me time to paint the true state of things, when I am of opinion you will think otherwise, or at least allow the climate has not a fair tryal [sic]. This is the depth of the rainy season; our inhabitants were not covered in before it commenced, and the huts they have been able to make are neither wind or water tight. Few of them have bedsteads, but are obliged to lie on the wet ground; without medical assistance, wanting almost every comfort of life and exposed to nauceous [sic] putrid stenches produced by stinking provisions scattered about the town.

Would you, under such circumstances, expect to keep your health or even live a month in the healthiest part of the world? I fancy not; then pray do not attribute our mortality altogether to baseness of climate.

I cannot imagine what kind of stuff I am made of, for though daily in the midst of so much sickness and so many deaths, I feel myself much better than when in England.

Anna Maria smiles as she finishes this paragraph. She has disproved all the dire predictions her friends made when they learned of her plans to return to Africa. She is pleased, proud of herself, feels justified in bragging. No hot-house flower, she. No, she is made of much sturdier stuff than her English friends can possibly imagine. And much sturdier stuff than the rest of the hapless population of Freetown. She will show them the strong inner fiber to which they should aspire.

I am surprised our boasted Philanthropists, the Directors of the Company, should have subjected themselves to such censure as they must meet for sporting with the lives of such numbers of their fellow creatures. I mean by sending so many here at once, before houses, materials for building, or other conveniences were prepared to receive them, and for not hurrying a supply after they had been guilty of this oversight. But I really believe their error has proceeded from want of information and listening with too much credulity to a pack of designing, puritanical parasites whom they employ to transact business. I cannot help thinking so, nay, am convinced of it from the cargoes they have sent out, composed of goods no better adapted for an infant Colony than a cargoe of slaves would be for the London market.

Anna Maria is aware of growing discontent among the black settlers. The various congregations gather daily for prayer meetings, at which all of their problems are debated vigorously. Some of the preachers—David George and Cato Perkins among them—attempt to act as peacemakers and reassure Clarkson of their continued loyalty. In fact, it is unfair of Clarkson to accuse those who felt betrayed of disloyalty for expressing their strong feelings about the actions taken by the company directors. He, after all, had made sweeping promises to them, and the directors have placed Clarkson in an impossible position. Much of the discussion among the settlers takes place with only one side represented. The freed blacks have little experience to prepare them for the hard realities of government and politics.

The sentiments which surface in each congregation doubtless reflect the eloquence and persuasive power of their leader in articulating their grievances. Thomas Peters, the Methodist preacher, is a commanding figure, older than most, and hardened in the crucible of the War for Independence, when he was one of only three black sergeants in the British regiment of Guides and Pioneers. He is very aware of the disorder in Freetown, and is clearly furious with the waste, the lack of progress, and the bickering and fumbling of the white administration while the rains pour down and people are dying daily.

Although Peters was his strong right hand in preparing the voyage from Halifax, John Clarkson is now mistrustful of his influence over the Methodists, suspecting that they are in a mood to rebel and put Peters in charge of the settlement. Clarkson knows that support from England would end if that happened, and in April he calls a public assembly to make that clear to the settlers. He and Peters are at loggerheads thereafter.

Peters’ death on June 26 rocks Clarkson, for he remembers Peters’ willing and able assistance in Halifax in the hasty preparations for the voyage to Africa. Peters’ wife writes, not to Clarkson, but to Alexander Falconbridge, asking for supplies that are needed for an appropriate funeral—"a Gallon of Wine, One Gallon of porter, & ½ Gallon of Rum, 2 lbs. Candles, 5 Yards of White Linen." Clarkson orders the storekeeper to meet all her needs, and when a deputation comes requesting pine boards for a coffin, he breaks his no-coffin rule. He arranges a pension of £20 a year for Mrs. Peters and her six or seven children. He also grants permission to those wishing to attend the funeral to leave work. His journal note is cryptic: "Thos. Peters funeral went off without disturbance," attended by "a great many." How much more eloquent that description might have been had one of the black preachers recorded the final rites of the most prominent of Freetown’s founding fathers. They would remember him as heroic in stature, having braved the wild Atlantic to take their pleas to England, and standing steadfast both in Nova Scotia and Freetown in demanding that the white officials keep the promises made to them by English officials.

Two vessels arrived from England last month, viz. the Sierra Leona Packet, belonging to the Company, and the Trusty of Bristol, a large ship they chartered from that port. Several passengers came in each of them; in the former were a Member of Council, a worthy discreet man; a Botanist, who I cannot say any thing of, having seen but little of him; a sugar planter, who is since gone to the West Indies in disgust, and the Gentleman who has superseded our Gallant Captain, and who, I understand, is also a cotton planter. But it is not likely he will have much to do in either of those departments for some time; his fellow soldiers being mostly dead, and agriculture not thought on.

The "worthy discreet man" is John Wakerell, whose health soon breaks down, forcing him to return to England. The Botanist is Adam Afzelius, a Swede, the first to do systematic botanical work in West Africa.

Anna Maria labels the third Englishman only "Gentleman," but surely he catches her eye. This is not a pure fiction, as later events will prove.

So, how should we picture Isaac DuBois, who is to take charge of the colony’s defenses? Let’s make him tall, built like an athlete, and with a resolute air that appeals to Anna Maria. Whenever she sees him, Anna Maria might feel a little frisson of excitement, struck by his manliness. Surely she would have asked someone about him—most likely John Clarkson, whom she regularly encounters on the waterfront.

"Mr. DuBois?" he replies. "Why, he is an American colonist from a wealthy family in North Carolina. He was forced by the American rebels to abandon his home and property."129

"The DuBois were loyalists?"

"Very definitely. His father died before the war, but Mr. Dubois served as a lieutenant in the New York volunteers and fought on our side. Their Carolina plantation was seized by the Americans and Isaac and his mother and siblings exiled to England when the war ended."

"What on earth is he doing here?"

"Apparently Dubois has never been compensated for his lost property in America. He asked the Commissioners for Loyalist Claims for assistance in claiming property confiscated during the war and was sent back to North Carolina to seek compensation under the terms of the Peace Treaty. Instead of honoring his claim, the good men of Wilmington tossed him in jail for ten months and then banished him from the state for life as a traitor."

"How dreadful."

"Yes, he was penniless when he returned to London. There he found the Claims Office closed,130 so he was forced to take the first job he could find. Many thousands of loyalists were evacuated from the colonies when the rebellion ended, and most of them need employment to survive. Many in England are struggling to find work."

"What can he do here to help you?"

"He is supposed to start a cotton plantation."

"A cotton plantation—before we even have roofs over our heads?"

"Yes, our other needs are more pressing."

Anna Maria shook her head in dismay. "He seems very capable."

"Indeed." Clarkson replied. "He has nursed the sick during this period of severe illness in Freetown, saving many lives. Now as you see, he is building houses. The Nova Scotian settlers like him. Some of them had known him in North Carolina."131

Having demonstrated his industry and organizing abilities, Dubois soon wins John Clarkson’s confidence and is set to work building a new storehouse beside Susan’s Bay.132 He also starts a cotton plantation on Thompson’s Bay. The settlers find him an admirable contrast to his dilatory colleagues.

Unfortunately, the soil is poor on the peninsula, for the heavy annual rains erode away topsoil and leach nutrients faster than they are replaced. Settlers who had labored on prosperous southern plantations in the colonies soon share with their African neighbors a bewildered sense that dark forces somehow hold the land in thrall, for nothing really thrives around them except the jungle that binds the soil in place and forms a huge but permeable umbrella to break the force of the winds and rains. Cut the great trees, kill their roots, and soon nothing remains but a sticky red clay composed of iron, manganese, and other insoluables that barely support decent grass.

In the latter [the Trusty of Bristol] came the store-keeper with his wife, mother-in-law, and a large family of children; a mineralist,133 and several clerks and tradesmen—in all twenty three. (Six returned to England, one left the Colony and went into the employ of Bance Island, and the remainder died in the course of three or four months.)

Those vessels brought so little provisions (with which they should have been wholly loaded) that we have not a sufficiency in the Colony to serve us three weeks. The goods brought out in the Trusty and quantities by other ships, amounting to several thousand pounds value, at this moment line the shore, exposed to the destructive weather and mercy of our neighbours, who cannot, I am sure, withstand such temptation. Those [supplies] remaining on ship board, I have heard Falconbridge say, are perishing by heat of the hold and damage received at sea.

The settlers catch fish and an occasional deer or wild pig to eat, but little in the way of African fruit and vegetables will be available until the new harvest matures toward the end of the rainy season. Barely three weeks after their arrival, shortages force Clarkson to cut rations by half. Everyone is dismayed. They watch the horizon hopefully for another supply ship to ease the deprivation.

Notwithstanding the Company's property is thus suffering and our people dying from absolute want of nourishment, Mr. Falconbridge has been refused the Sierra Leona packet to go in quest of cattle and otherwise prosecute the duties of his office as Commercial Agent. She is the only vessel fit for the business; but it is thought necessary to send her to England. Yet, if things were ordered judiciously, she might have made one serviceable trip in the meanwhile, and answered three desirable purposes by it: relieve the Colony, bartered away goods that are spoiling, and please the Directors by an early remittance of African productions. In place of this she has only been used as a Pleasure Boat to give a week’s airing at sea to Gentlemen in perfect health.

Mr. Falconbridge has had no other opportunity but this to do any thing in the commercial way. The Directors no doubt will be displeased, but they should not blame him; he is placed altogether under the control of the Superintendant and Council, who throw cold water on every proposal of the kind he makes.134 His time is at present employed in attending the sick, particularly those of scrophulous [sic] habits, while our military gentleman [Isaac DuBois], who has acquired by experience some medical knowledge, attends those afflicted with fevers, &c. This is the only phisical [sic] help at present in the Colony, for though we have two Surgeons, they are both so ill as to disable them from helping either themselves, or others. One of them returns to England in the Packet, as does our mortified soldier [Cocks].

I am, &c.

* * *

On 17 July 1792 John Clarkson’s brother Thomas, a Sierra Leone Company director, wrote him as follows:

You will be sorry to find, as I am, that poor Falconbridge is to be recalled. It was impossible for us to help him out of it. He is said to have given no account whatever of the Lapwing's cargo; to have taken up without leave of the Company a person of the name of Coppinger at Falmouth; to have disregarded in every Instance his Instructions; to have acted such a drunken Scene at Teneriffe as to be disgraceful to a Company whose object is so amiable. These and a variety of other things are alleged against him, but in particular the disregard to all the Instructions given him.

William Wilberforce, another director of the Company, also wrote to John Clarkson (17 July 1792) about Falconbridge:

I regret very sincerely that in my public capacity I have been compelled to consent to the Measure of his Removal. But in these Cases we must be ready to sacrifice our private feelings no less than our personal Interests. What I wanted to add on this head is that I hope if Falconbridge behaves well, the Directors will be prevailed on to make him some pecuniary Acknowledgment beyond what he has a Right to demand: of course no assurance of this Sort ought to be given him, but perhaps it might not be amiss for you to throw out the Idea as from yourself, and as what you would be willing to promote. All this is left to your Discretion.135

In a later letter (14 September 1792) Thornton made Falconbridge a general scapegoat for the early misfortunes of the settlement (a charge that he later repeats publicly): "I think however much of the evils that have happened are to be laid at his door." Thornton also absolved himself and the other directors from blame with the excuse that it was not in fact they who had originally appointed him—that he had been "rather continued than appointed by us."136

Anna Maria, of course, is unaware of this correspondence. John Clarkson knows he should warn Falconbridge of his imminent replacement, but the poor chap is so far into his cups that the appropriate moment never seems to arrive.

August is a month of sustained activity in the fields, and the Europeans who believe that man's lot is to labor look with approval on the African women bending, hoeing with their short-handled hoes, dropping the rice, hoeing the exposed seeds into small mounds, weeding from dawn to dusk. Back-breaking work, often carried out while the white man huddles under his shelter to escape the inexorable rain. The pageant of sowing the seed wins Anna Maria's approval. Along with the rice are planted okra, sour-sour, green-green, with yams, beans, and cassava cuttings thrust here and there into the mounds—these to mature as quickly as possible and tide the families through the rainy season until the rice ripens in the fall.

The black skins of those laboring in their gardens are no protection against rheumatism, nor against the swarms of malaria-carrying mosquitos that appear with the rains, nor against the endless flies that cling to perspiring skin and eyes in the steamy sunlight, depositing their tokens of glaucoma and dysentery.

Small wonder that the Africans chew their kola nuts—aspirin, nicotine, and caffeine combined—although Anna Maria doesn't know this. Nor is there any protection to be begged from the spirits against the rats and grasshoppers, the frogs that chew the plant stems, the weaver birds that settle in flocks to eat the grain, the herds of monkeys and wild pigs that come to scavenge as the rice is ripening. Now the children must pay continuous attention to their duties, slinging stones at the predators, chasing the monkeys, frightening the birds, spearing the frogs and rats with pointed sticks. Anna Maria might be repelled if she knew that the speared animal goes into the cooking pot, but its contents are thin now with last year's harvest long gone and only the enduring cassava roots to fill empty stomachs.

 

Endnotes:

1. James Cleveland (or Clevland) was the grandson of an English slave trader, member of a prominent Devonshire landowning family, who had settled on the island early in the eighteenth century, and married into a prominent Sherbro ruling family. Fyfe, A History, p. 10.

2. According to Winterbottom, the funeral, or cry, was not solemnized "until near three years after the body had been buried." Winterbottom, An Account, vol. 1, p. 243.

3. John Matthews, A Voyage to the River Sierra Leone, London, 1789; Matthews, a former naval lieutenant who lived on the Sierra Leone peninsula, trading in slaves, gave his readers a well-informed description of the country and its people, still of use to historians and anthropologists. His book, too, is styled as a series of letters. Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 9.

4. Like Alexander Falconbridge, Clarkson was very reluctant to go on board slaving ships, or to accept hospitality from their captains.

5. Clarkson’s Papers. British Library Additional Manuscripts 41,263.

6. E.G. Ingham, p. 32.

7. Sierra Leone Studies, Volume VIII, p. 10.

8. Ibid., p. 1.

9. Ibid., p. 2.

10. Ingham, p. 64.

11. Pepys remains an enigma throughout, until September 1794, when French ships fire on Freetown and the entire population flees. "Richard Pepys was the principal casualty of the French attack. He apparently feared for his personal safety outside of Freetown and fled into the woods with his wife and son. Although the [black] settlers offered him shelter, he refused any help except transportation to the Bullom shore across the estuary. He died there of exposure on October 6, and was commended in the Sierra Leone Company’s 1795 report for ‘extraordinary exertions’ in surveying the land." Clifford, p. 171.

12. DuBois’s father was one of the wealthiest men in Wilmington. The family property included houses, warehouses, a bakery and a mill, as well as "a great number of valuable boat Negroes and tradesmen"— valued at nearly £30,000, yielding an income of about £4,000 a year. Isaac was born around 1764. Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 83n.

13. House of Commons Journals, vol lxii, pp.277-8, 845, 954-5.

14. Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 83, 168.

15. Sierra Leone Studies, Volume VIII, p. 31. The bay was named for John Clarkson’s fiancée.

16. August Nordenskiold, also Swedish.

17. Certainly Clarkson had little sympathy with the Company’s emphasis on trade. He believed it was much more important to settle the Nova Scotians on their lands, agriculture being a much more improving activity than trade, which would ensure only ‘gain and laziness’ to the settlers. Ingham, Sierra Leone, pp. 136-37.

18. Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 93.

19. Ibid., p. 92-93.The above letters are found in BL, Add. MS 41262A.

 

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