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LETTER V. [actually LETTER VI]
LONDON, Sept. 30, 1791.
My dear Friend,
I have many apologies to make for not giving you earlier intelligence of our arrival; but my excuses are good ones, and
no doubt will convince you my silence cannot be attributed to the slightest shadow of negligence or forgetfulness. We arrived
at Penzance, in Cornwall, the 2d instant, when (not being able to walk), I was carried in an arm chair by two men to the house
of Mrs. Dennis, who friendly invited us to shelter under her hospitable roof while we remained there. The hurry and
fatigue of moving, with the restraint one customarily feels, more or less of, upon going to a strange house, prevented me
writing you the first day; but the day subsequent I wrote as follows:
My dearest Madam,
"I am returned to this blessed land; join with me in fervent prayer and thanksgiving to the Author of all good works for
his miraculous protection and goodness during a circuitous passage of nigh three months, replete with hardships unprecedented,
I believe, in any voyages heretofore related, the particulars of which I must take some other opportunity to furnish you with."
Here I made a full pause; and, after thinking and re-thinking for near half an hour whether I should subscribe my name
and send it to the post, a thought struck me,—Why! I shall be in London in eight or ten days, when it will be in my
power to send a narration of what has happened since I last wrote Mrs — ; and if I write now, I shall only excite curiosity
and keep her in unpleasant suspence for some time; so, it is best to postpone writing till I can do it fully."
Now, in place of eight or ten days, it was almost three weeks before we reached this metropolis; and since I arrived, my
time has been wholly occupied in received [sic] inquisitive visitors and answering a few pertinent, and a number of
ridiculous questions. I could make many other reasonable pleas in behalf of my silence, but trust what is already said will
be amply satisfactory; shall therefore forbear making any further apologies and proceed with an account of myself since I
last wrote to you.
The 16th of June we went to Robana to take leave of the Royal Family, and to receive the young Prince John Frederic
[Henry] on board; all this we accomplished, and sailed the same day.
Naimbana seemed unconcerned at parting with his son, but the old Queen cried and appeared much affected.
The Prince was decorated in an old blue cloak, bound with broad gold lace; which, with a black velvet coat, pair of white
satin breeches, a couple of shirts, and two or three pair of trowsers, form a compleat inventory of his stock of cloaths when
he left Africa.
The old man gave John all the cash he had, amounting to the enormous sum of eight Spanish dollars (about thirty-five
shillings); and just when we were getting under way, saluted us with twelve guns from some rusty pieces of cannon lying on
the beach without carriages.
The Lapwing was badly equipped for sea. The crew and passengers amounted to nine: four of the former were confined
with fevers, consequently there were only four (and but one a sailor) to do the ship's duty.
Mr. Rennieu gave me a goat and half a dozen of fowls. King Naimbana put a couple of goats and a dozen of fowls on board
for his son. Besides these, I purchased some poultry, and when we sailed, considered ourselves possessed of a pretty good
stock consisting of three goats, four dozen of fowls, a barrel of flour, half a barrel of pork, and a barrel of beef.
We had not been at sea a week when all our live stock were washed or blown overboard by repeated and impetuous tornadoes—so
that we had not a thing left but the flower [sic] and salt provisions; however, we were in hopes of getting in a few
days to Saint Jago, 1 one of the Cape De Verd Islands, where the loss of our stock
might be replaced. In this we were disappointed, for instead of a few days, a continued interruption of calms and boisterous
weather made it six weeks before we reached that island; during the whole of which time I was confined to my cabin, and mostly
to my bed, for it rained incessantly. [The voyage by sailing ship from England to the West Arican
coast is much faster outbound with following winds than is the return voyage against the prevailing winds, which requires
continual tacking to and fro.]
After being about three weeks at sea, our sick got clear of their fevers, but were so emaciated as to be unfit for any
duty except eating, and though there was no food fit for convalescent persons on board, yet the coarse victuals we
had stood no chance with them, and made it necessary to put all hands to an allowance. Upon enquiring into the state of our
provisions, we found they had been lavishly dealt with; there was not more than one week's full allowance of meat and scarcely
four days of flour remaining. These were alarming circumstances, for we had two thirds further to go than we had then come,
towards Saint Jago.
I did not selfishly care for the want of beef or pork, as I had not tasted either since we sailed from Sierra Leone; but
I lamented it for others. All hands were restricted to a quarter of a pound of beaf or pork and a small tea-cup full (rather
better than a gill) of flower [sic] per day.
What would have been more dreadful, we should have wanted water was it not for the rains; the worms having imperceptibly
penetrated our water casks, all the water leaked out except a small cask, which would not allow us more than a pint each for
three weeks.
My tea cup of flower, mixed with a little rain water and salt, boiled to a kind of pap when the weather would admit a fire,
otherwise raw, was, believe me, all my nourishment for ten days, except once or twice when some cruel unconscionable wretch
robbed me of the homely morsel, I was forced to taste the beef.
The week before we arrived at St. Jago, our Carpenter, who had been ill and was on the recovery, relapsed and died in twenty-four
hours; which circumstance terrified me exceedingly, least our afflictions were to be increased with some pestilential disease;
however, no similar misfortunes attended us afterwards.
We arrived at Porta Praya 2 in St. Jago, I think the 25th of July, when Falconbridge
immediately went on shore to obtain sufferance to remain there a few days while he re-victualled and watered. An officer met
him as he landed and conducted him to the chief magistrate of the port, who lives in a Fort on top of a hill which commands
the harbour. Falconbridge was well received, his request granted, and he and myself were invited to dine at the Fort next
day—but he was informed that no provisions were to be had for almost any price. A fleet of European ships had just sailed
from thence and drained the country of almost every kind of eatable.3
After being six weeks confined in the narrow bounds of the Lapwing's cabin and most of the time in bed, fed as I
was upon scanty wretched food, notwithstanding the benignity of heaven had preserved me from disease of any kind, you will
not question my energy of mind and body being considerably enervated. Indeed, so enfeebled did I feel myself that it was with
much difficulty I accompanied Falconbridge to dinner at the Consul's, for so the Chief Officer of Porto Praya is termed; but
the distance I had to walk was short, and with the help of a Portuguese Officer on one side, and my husband on the other,
I accomplished it tolerable well.
The company consisted of the Portuguese and French Consuls, five Portuguese and two French gentlemen, two Portuguese ladies,
Falconbridge, and myself. None of the foreigners spoke English, so you will readily guess we but poorly amused or entertained
each other; through the medium of a linguist who attended, any compliments, questions, or answers, &c. &c. were conveyed
to and fro.
Our dinner was very good, and I had prudence enough to be temperate, having often heard of fatal consequences from indulgencies
[sic] in similar cases. During dinner we had excellent claret and madeira, but no wine was drank after. Directly as
the cloth was removed, tea was introduced in the most uncommon way I ever saw or heard of before. It was brought in china
mugs containing three pints each, and every person was presented with one of these huge goblets. I had not tasted tea for
several weeks. Nevertheless, one third of this quantity was more than I chose to swallow—but with astonishment I beheld
others make a rapid finish to their allowance. [ One can’t help but wonder where, after drinking
such quantities of liquid, the ladies and gentlemen retired to relieve themselves. Chamber pots? Out-houses?]
Having thus inundated their stomachs, every one arose and our host desire [sic] the linguist to acquaint me they
were going to repose themselves for a while, and if I was inclined to follow their example, a sofa or bed was at my service;
being bed sickened, I declined the offer and chose in preference to stretch my feeble limbs with gentle walking in a pleasant
portico fronting the sea; for I had gathered strength enough in the few hours I was on shore to walk alone.
The company having indulged about an hour in their habitual slothfulness, re-assembled; we were invited to take a bed on
shore, but Falconbridge leant that the generality of people were thievishly disposed, and for that reason did not choose to
sleep from the cutter; and you know it would have been very uncomfortable for me to remain without him among a parcel of strangers,
when we could not understand what one another said. Besides, I had other prudential objections for not remaining without Falconbridge,
which the horror of our loathsome bark could not conquer. 4
After this we remained four days in Porto Praya Road, during which I went on shore frequently. The town is situated on
the same height with the fort. They have a Romish chapel (for the inhabitants are all Roman Catholics), market-place, jail
built of stone and covered with slate in the European way—the other buildings are mostly of wood and thatch after the
African manner. The French Consul has his house within the fort, which is a decent good looking building, as is the Portuguese
Consul’s; but this is of stone and that of wood.
Anna Maria gives a lengthy description of the rest of their long voyage from the Cape Verde Island to the Azores and thence
to England. Because it interrupts her African narrative, it has been eliminated here.
How deeply do I regret our short stay at Saint Jago and Fayal disables me from giving you a more historical and intelligent
account of those Islands; but I was long enough at each place to form this summary opinion: The latter is, without exception,
the most desirable spot I ever saw; and the former, as far opposite as 'tis possible for you to conceive.
Having repaired such damage as our vessel had received coming from St. Anthony and supplied ourselves with abundance of
stores to bring us to this country, we set sail from Fayal the 25th of last month, and arrived at the time and place before-mentioned.
Our passage was short and unattended with such boisterous weather as we had experienced, yet it was so stormy that I was obliged
to keep my bed the whole time: which circumstance and a cold I caught threw me into an indisposition that I have not yet recovered
from.
The day after landing at Penzance, Falconbridge wrote to Mr. Granville Sharp, and by return of Post received his answer,
a copy of which I herewith inclose.
LEADENHALL-STREET, 7th Sept. 1791.
Dear Sir,
The agreeable account of the safe arrival of the Lapwing at Penzance, which I received this morning, gives me very
particular satisfaction.
I have communicated your letter to Henry Thornton, Esq. Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company 5 (for under this title the late St. George's Bay Company is now established, by an Act of the last Session
of Parliament) and to some of the Directors, and they desire you to come by land as expeditiously as you can, bringing with
you in a post-chaise, Mrs. Falconbridge and the Black Prince, and also any such specimens of the country as will not be liable
to injury by land-carriage.
I inclose (from the Directors) a note from Mr. Thornton's house for thirty pounds, for which you may easily procure cash
for your journey, and if more should be wanting for use of the people of the Lapwing, I have no doubt but Mrs. Dennis
(to whose care I send this Letter) will have the goodness to advance it, as she will be reimbursed by return of the Post,
when I receive advice of your draft.
The Lapwing may be left to the care of any proper person whom you may think capable of taking due care of her, until
the Directors give farther orders respecting her.
I remain with great esteem, Dear Sir,
Your affectionate friend and humble Servant,
GRANVILLE SHARP.
In the interim Falconbridge went to Falmouth to procure money for our journey to London. There he met the Rev. Thomas Clarkson,
that unwearied stickler for human liberty, with whom, (or at whose instimulation [sic]) the abolition of the Slave
Trade originated, and at whose instance Falconbridge quitted his comfortable situation at Ludway [ Lodway] to enlist in the present (though I fear chimerical) cause of freedom and humanity.
This is the first time Anna Maria refers to her husband’s earlier career as a surgeon.
Mr. Clarkson is also a Director of the Sierra Leone Company, under which title you find by Mr. Sharp's letter, the late
St. George's Bay Company is now called.
He informed Falconbridge that his brother, Lieutenant Clarkson of the navy, was gone to Nova Scotia, authorised by government
to collect several hundred free blacks and take them to Sierra Leone, where they are (under the care and patronage of the
Directors of our new company) to form a colony. 6 It was surely a premature, hair-brained,
and ill digested scheme, to think of sending such a number of people all at once to a rude, barbarous and unhealthy country
before they were certain of possessing an acre of land; and I very much fear will terminate in disappointment, if not disgrace
to the authors; though at the same time, I am persuaded the motives sprung from minds unsullied with evil meaning.
The criticism is surely her husband’s, for it appears verbatim in the 1791 Sierra Leone Company Reports. Alexander
Falconbridge is a logical choice to receive the appointment of superintendent of the new colony. When, however, he hears that
hundreds of colonists are expected from Nova Scotia, he uses exactly these harsh terms in speaking to the Directors of the
Sierra Leone Company, calling it: "a premature, hair-brained, and ill digested scheme." 7 Offended by his testy criticism, the directors compromise by offering him the post of chief commercial agent, a position
for which he has no experience whatsoever. Needing the salary, he accepts, but is furious at being passed over in favor of
John Clarkson, a much younger man who has never been to Africa..8
We set out from Penzance the 12th, taking with us the Black Prince, and the following day arrived at Plymouth, where by
appointment we met Mr. [Thomas] Clarkson; 9 after staying there four days we went on
towards London, stopped at Exeter three days, and arrived here the 24th.
As soon as our arrival was known Mr. Thornton, (the chairman), 10 Mr. Sharp and
several others of the directors came to see us, and after many compliments expressive with condolence for our misfortunes
and congratulations for our deliverance and safe arrival, a number of enquiries, &c. &c. Mr. Thornton requested Falconbridge
and the Prince would dine with him, at the same time gave the latter to understand he was to consider his [Mr.
Thornton’s] house as his home.
I could not help secretly smiling to see the servile courtesy which those gentlemen paid this young man, merely from his
being the son of a nominal king.
It has slip'd my notice till now to describe him to you: His person is rather below the ordinary, inclining to groseness
[sic], his skin nearly jet black, eyes keenly intelligent, nose flat, teeth unconnected and filed sharp after the custom
of his country, his legs a little bandied, and his deportment easy, manly, and confident withal. In his disposition he is
surly, but has cunning enough to smother it where he thinks his interest is concerned; he is pettish and implacable, but I
think grateful and attached to those he considers his friends; nature has been bountiful in giving him sound intelects [sic],
very capable of improvement, and he also possesses a great thirst for knowledge.
While with me although it was seldom in my power, yet now and then amused myself with teaching him the alphabet, which
he quickly learned, and before we parted, could read any common print surprisingly well. He is not wanting in discernment,
and has already discovered the weak side of his patrons, which he strives to turn to good account, and I dare say, by his
natural subtility [sic], will in time advantage himself considerably by it. (This young man returned to Sierra Leone
in July 1793, and died the day after his arrival.)
The Directors seem much pleased with Falconbridge's exertions, have appointed him Commercial Agent to the Company, and
he is shortly to return to Sierra Leona. They are very pressing for me to accompany him, but my late misfortunes are yet too
fresh in remembrance to consent hastily. Indeed, you may suppose, I cannot but painfully remember them while the bruises and
chafes produced by the voyage on different parts of my body continue unhealed. However, it is probable, whether with or against
my will, I must tacitly assent to hazard a repetition of what I have already undergone.
When matters are wholly fixed you will hear from me, and perhaps I may shortly have the happiness of assuring you in person
how I am,
Your's, &c.
Endnotes:
1. Santiago, the largest of the Cape Verde Islands, which lie 620 kilometres off the African
coast, directly west of Senegal. The Portuguese brought Africans to the islands to work as slaves in their plantations.
2. The archipelago consists of 10 islands and 5 islets. Porta
Praya is the principal town and is on Saint Jago (Santiago), one of the four leeward islands.
3. "The economy of the Cape Verde
islands was in any case precarious, with regular periods of devastating famine." Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p.
56.
4. Possibly
an allusion to his excessive drinking.
5.
Henry Thornton (1760-1815), wealthy banker, MP, philanthropist, and driving force behind the
Sierra Leone Company. His home at Clapham was the meeting place for an influential group of Evangelicals, including Willliam
Wilberforce, Hannah Moore, and Zachary Macaulay.
6. The settlers from Nova Scotia would sail from Halifax on 15 January
1792.
7. Anna Maria probably added this paragraph
as she prepared her manuscript for publication.
8. Clarkson
had, however, already completed a distinguished six-year naval career, beginning at age 13 and reaching the rank of lieutenant
by 1783. Then, lacking further naval duties, he joined his brother Thomas in the movement to abolish slavery in Britain. When
Parliament agreed to pay the passage of any freed blacks in Nova Scotia who wanted to emigrate to Sierra Leone, John Clarkson
requested a leave of absence from the navy and volunteered to go to Nova Scotia to recruit settlers.
9. Thomas Clarkson, along with Granville Sharpe and William Wilberforce, was a leading figure in the British abolition
movement.
10. "Henry Thornton was a wealthy banker and Member of Parliament. He was an intimate
friend of Henry Wilberforce, and was associated with him in the campaign against the slave trade, and also a member of what
was later called the ‘Clapham Sect,’ an Evangelical pressure group which sought to remodel British society on
religious principles. As chairman of the board of directors of the Sierra Leone Company he was largely responsible for making
and carrying out policy." Fyfe, A History, p. 28.
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