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LETTER IIIA. This should be letter IV, an error that was not corrected in the 1802 edition.]
GRANVILLE TOWN, SIERRA LEONE May 13, 1791.
My dear Friend,
Occasional visits to Bance island, unattended by any important Occurrence worth troubling you with, and a continual concourse
of strangers making their African compliments, engrossed two days interval between the date of my last letter and our second
expedition to Robana; when we set out in a boat and four hands, taking with us plenty of spirits for the common people and
a little wine for the King and his associates.
When we came in sight of the Town, Multitudes of people thronged to the Beach. Mr. Elliotte met us at the boat, and the
croud [sic] formed an avenue through which he conducted us to the Queen's house amidst such thundering acclamations
that it was almost impossible to hear one or other speak.
The King and Queen met us at the door and seemed to give us a hearty welcome. We were then ushered in and introduced in
general terms to the company, consisting of the parties who were to compose the Court (and a multiplicity of women), their
wives, daughters, and attendants, having seated ourselves, and wasted almost an hour in receiving the civilities of shaking
hands with every individual in the room.
The members of the Court then took their seats round the large table we dined off when first there, which was now covered
with a green cloth. The King sat at the head of the table in an old arm chair. On his right was his secretary, and on his
left his Palavar man, or, as the office is termed in England, his Attorney general [actually,
"orator" would be a more precise term]. The other Chiefs appeared to seat themselves by seniority;
the oldest next to the Throne, if I may so term the old chair.
The throne is probably an much-used occasional chair acquired from some European ship.
The King wore his hat, which was the gold-laced one Falconbridge gave him. On the table was placed wine and rum, of which
every one helped himself plentifully. I was astonished to see not only the men, but women, drink rum in half pints at a time,
as deliberately as I would water.
After amusing themselves some time in this way, Mr. Palaver Man got up, bending his right knee, presented his Majesty
with some Cola [a small nut which the Africans chew as a stimulant and offer to guests as a
token of hospitality; constant use turns the teeth a dark reddish-brown]1 from the
crown of his hat, then retired to the opposite end of the table, when he opened the business of the day by a speech of at
least an hour and an half long. It being in their own language, I of course did not understand a word, but during the time
he spoke, there was the greatest silence and attention observed.
The next spokesman was King Jemmy, who previously went through the same ceremony his predecessor had done. Whether this
man's language was eloquent or not, I cannot be a judge, but his vociferation [sic] was enough to deafen one; though
I had reason to think what he said gave great satisfaction to the by-standers, who frequently interrupted him by clapping
of hands and shouts of Ya Hoo! Ya Hoo! Ya Hoo! and other tokens of applause. 2
My heart quivered with fear least they might be forming some treacherous contrivance; I could not conceal the uneasiness
I felt. My countenance betrayed me, a shower of tears burst from my eyes, and I swooned into hystericks. 3
The room is not large. Adobe houses with thatch roofs cannot be very large. The temperature rises as the day progresses.
The air is dusty from months without rain and closely packed with warm, sweating bodies. Anna Maria is seated in the vortex
of the noise and smells. She has listened to several hours of vigorous oratory, punctuated with much noise for emphasis and
waving of arms to stress important points—all in a language she does not understand and in claustrophobic setting. Are
these shouting men threatening their English visitors? She has no way of knowing, but if they are, then she is trapped with
no avenue of escape. She cannot get enough air into her lungs and feels as though she might suffocate. Her heart begins to
thump in dismay, her ears ring, her stomach churns. She has never heard of a panic attack, but her nerves are frayed with
her growing anxiety. She faints.
Recovering in a short time, I observed every one around treating me with the utmost kindness and endeavouring to convince
me that neither insult or injury would be offered us. But my fears were not to be removed or even checked hastily, for I had
scarcely got the better of my fright at Marre Bump; however I struggled to awaken my resolution, and collected enough after
awhile to affect composure; but believe me, it was mere affectation. Night was drawing nigh, and I solicited Falconbridge
to return as soon as possible. He argued [that] the Court had been impeded by the awkward situation my fears had thrown me
into, but he would set out time enough to reach Bance Island before dark.
Their hasty conversation is whispered with bent heads close together in an effort to prevent others from hearing them.
Falconbridge has no sympathy for her fears, is furious that she has interrupted the proceedings, and makes no bones about
telling her so. Anna Maria pleads with him to let her out of that room and into the fresh air, but she can see in the way
he grits his teeth and spits out his words that she will have to gather herself together and cope until this ordeal is over.
She breathes as deeply as she can, closes her eyes, and turns her mind resolutely away from her immediate surroundings. She
tries to picture a winter snowfall in Bristol while the loud voices drone on, but it is so difficult to blot out the tumult
around her.
The Assembly now resumed their business. One or two members offered Cola to the King, which he refused. A grey-headed old
man then made the offer, and it being accepted, he took the foot of the table, and a few words compleating [sic] what
he had to say. Mr. Elliotte intimated that King Naimbana intended to give his sentiments; upon which every member rose up,
and the King continuing in his chair, covered, delivered his speech in a concise, clear, and respectable manner.
After this Mr. Elliotte acquainted Falconbridge [that] the Court could not come to one mind that night, but it was generally
understood [that] if he would give fifteen hundred Bars (A Bar is the nominal price of a certain quantity of goods, which
the natives formerly considered of equal value with a bar of iron; but at present they do not appear to have any criterion:
two pounds of tobacco is a bar, and two yards of fine India cotton, or a yard of rich silk is no more), they would confirm
King Naimbana's engagement with Captain Thompson, and re-establish his people.
Falconbridge, whom you know is naturally of an irritable disposition, quickened at Elliotte's information; but had prudence
enough only to say [that] he should consider such a demand very extravagant, and his small cargo, which he was desired to
appropriate another way, would not permit him to pay so much, [even] if he had the inclination.
Enough of being discreet. Alexander Falconbridge’s temper is always close to the surface, and Anna Maria is tired
of pretending otherwise.
We then made our congees5 and took leave of those African gentry. Indeed it was high time, for the liquor
they had drank began to operate powerfully. Mr. Elliotte and several others accompanied us to the boat. In our walk thither,
he much admired a handsome fowling piece of Mr. Falconbridge's, which Falconbridge without hesitation requested he would accept,
thinking such an immediate shew [sic] of generosity might have a favourable tendency. Both of us promised to be down
again the following day, when it was expected the Palavar would be finished; but I must be honest and tell you, I was resolved
not to visit Robana again while this mock judicatory lasted.
About seven o'clock we reached the Cutter. I was almost famished with want of food, for I had not eat [sic] a morsel
the whole day. There was not a thing on board but salt beef, so hard we were obliged to chop it with an axe, and some mouldy,
rotten biscuits; however, so great was my hunger, that I could not help satisfying it with some of this beef and bread, uncouth
as it was.
In the morning I feigned sickness and begged to be excused from attending Falconbridge; he therefore set out, reluctantly
leaving me behind. When he was gone, I went on shore and spent the day in comfort and pleasantry under the hospitable roof
of Bance Island house, where I related the adventures of the preceeding day, which afforded much mirth and glee to the company.
I met one Rennieu (a Frenchman) there. He has a factory at a small Island called Gambia, up another branch of this River,
named Bunch River, whither he politely invited me, and made a tender of any thing in his power to serve us.6
Before Falconbridge returned, which was not till between eight and nine o'clock at night, I had not only got on board,
but in bed, and as he did not ask how I had spent the day, I did not inform him. He was vexed and out of humour, said he thought
the wretches were only bamboozling him; he believed they would do nothing but drink the liquor while he had a drop
to carry them, for he was no forwarder than the day before.
In this manner he was obliged to repeat his visits for five successive days before he got their final decision, which however,
was at last tolerably favorable on our side. They consented to re-establish the people and to grant to the St. George's Bay
Company all the land King Naimbana had formerly sold Captain Thompson, for a paltry consideration of about thirty pounds;
and for the good faith and true performance of the contract, the King said he would pledge his second son John Frederic [also known as John Henry], whom Falconbridge might take with him to England. In
answer to this offer, Falconbridge told Naimbana he would be very glad to take his son to England, where he was sure the Company
would have him educated and treated kindly without considering him as a hostage. This pleased the old man vastly, and it was
agreed John Frederic [Henry] shall accompany us when we leave Africa.7
The following or sixth day, Falconbridge had engaged to carry down to Robana the stipulated goods for repurchacing [sic]
the land, and by his importunities I was prevailed on to accompany him. We arrived early in the morning, and having soon made
a delivery of the goods, which was all the business for the day, I was just about expressing a desire to see some salt works
I learned were upon the Island, when the King, as though he had anticipated my wishes, enquired if we liked to see them? If
so, he would walk their [sic] with us. 8 We accordingly went, passing in our
way a hamlet or two, inhabited by Kings slaves.
These works lay near a mile from the town, and are a parcel of small holes or basons [sic] formed in a low, muddy
place; they are supplied with sea water, which the burning sun quickly exhales, leaving the saline particles, and by frequent
repetition, a quantity of salt is thus accumulated, which the King conveys into, and disposes of in the interior country,
for slaves. Making this salt is attended with a very trifling expence, for none but old, refuse, female slaves,
are employed in the work, and the profit is considerable. 9
Early in the afternoon we returned to Bance Island, taking Clara, the wife of Elliotte, with us. She remained with me several
days, during which I had opportunities (for I made a point of it) to try her disposition. I found it impetuous, litigious,
and implacable. I endeavoured to persuade her to dress in the European way, but to no purpose. She would tear the clothes
off her back immediately after I put them on. Finding no credit could be gained by trying to new fashion this Ethiopian
Princess, I got rid of her as soon as possible.
Anna Maria obviously enjoys consorting with royalty, but Princess Clara annoys her by thwarting Anna Maria’s desire
to improve her appearance. Can’t the woman see how much her better she would look in European clothes?
Falconbridge now had effected the grand object. He was next to collect and settle the miserable refugees. No time was to
be lost in accomplishing this. The month of February was nearly spent. Only three months of dry weather remained for them
to clear their land, build their houses, and prepare their ground for a crop to support them the ensuing year. He therefore
dispatched a Greek,10 who came out in the Lapwing with some of the blacks, up to Pa Boson's to gather and
bring down the people while we went in the Cutter, taking a few who were at Bance Island, to locate an eligible place, for
the settlement.
The spot they were driven from was to be preferred to any other part; but by treaty it was agreed they should not settle
there. There were other situations nearly as good, and better considerably than the one fixed on; but immediate convenience
was a powerful inducement.
Here was a small village with seventeen pretty good huts which the natives had evacuated from a persuasion they were infested
by some evil spirits; but as they made no objection to our occupying them, we gladly took possession, considering it a fortunate
circumstance to have such temporary shelter for the whole of our people.
Falconbridge collected 64 11 of the original settlers and took them back to Fourah
Bay. He knew their number was too small for safety. He distributed tools and arms and sent frantic letters to London begging
for an armed ship to protect them.
When those from Pa Bosons had joined us, Falconbridge called them all together, making forty-six, including men and women;
and after representing the charitable intentions of his coming to Africa, and issuing to them such cloathing [sic] as were sent out in the Lapwing; he exhorted in the most pathetic language that they might
merit by their industry and good behaviour the notice now taken of them, endeavour to remove the unfavourable prejudices that
had gone abroad, and thereby deserve further favours from their friends in England; who, besides the cloaths they had already
received, had sent them tools of all kinds for cultivating their land, also arms and ammunition to defend themselves, if necessary;
that these articles would be brought on shore when they got a storehouse built; where they would be lodged for their common
good and occasional use. He then concluded this harangue by saying he now named the place GRANVILLE TOWN,12 after
their friend and benefactor, GRANVILLE SHARP, Esq., at whose instance they were provided with the relief now afforded them.
I never did, and God grant I never may again, witness so much misery as I was forced to be a spectator of here. Among the
outcasts were seven of our country women, decrepid [sic] with disease and so disguised with filth and dirt that I should
never have supposed they were born white. Add to this, almost naked from head to foot; in short, their appearance was such
as I think would extort compassion from the most callous heart. But I declare they seemed insensible to shame or the wretchedness
of their situation themselves. I begged they would get washed and gave them what cloaths I could conveniently spare. Falconbridge
had a hut appropriated as a hospital, where they were kept separate from the other settlers, and by his attention and care,
they recovered in a few weeks.
I always supposed these people had been transported as convicts, but some conversation I lately had with one of the women
has partly undeceived me. She said the women were mostly of that description of persons who walk the streets of London and
support themselves by the earnings of prostitution; that men were employed to collect and conduct them to Wapping, where they
were intoxicated with liquor, then inveigled on board of ship and married to black men whom they had never seen before;
that the morning after she was married, she really did not remember a syllable of what had happened over night, and when informed,
was obliged to inquire, who was her husband? After this to the time of their sailing, they were amused and buoyed up
by a prodigality of fair promises and great expectations which awaited them in the country they were going to. "Thus," in
her own words, "to the disgrace of my mother country, upwards of one hundred unfortunate women were seduced from England to
practice their iniquities more brutishly in this horrid country."
Good heavens! how the relation of this tale made me shudder. I questioned its veracity and enquired of the other women,
who exactly corroborated what I had heard. Nevertheless, I cannot altogether reconcile myself to believe it; for it is scarcely
possible that the British Government at this advanced and enlightened age, envied and admired as it is by the universe, could
be capable of exercising or countenancing such a Gothic infringement on human Liberty.13
Immediately after we had fixed on this Place for the settlement, I singled out one of the best huts for my own residence;
where I remained nigh a month, though I did not sleep on shore the whole time. About a fortnight I continued to go on board
the Cutter at night, when it was necessary to send her to Bance Island. I then had a kind of bedstead, not unlike an hospital
cradle, erected in my hovel; but the want of a door was some inconvenience, and as no deal or other boards could be procured
for the purpose, I made a country mat supply the place—for I now find 'tis necessary to accommodate myself to whatever
I meet with, there being but few conveniencies or accommodating things to be met with in this part of Africa.
Anna Maria learns very quickly that there is little privacy in Africa. A mat hanging in a doorway would be no impediment
to curious neighbors, who would pop in unannounced because knocking is not part of their culture. Neither adobe nor mats can
be knocked on.
The river abounds with fine fish, and we get abundance of them; which, with rice, wild deer, and some poultry, forms my
common food since I came to Granville Town. In something less than four weeks we got a large store-house and several additional
huts for the settlers built, and had the goods landed from the Lapwing—they consist chiefly of ironmongery, such
as blacksmiths and plantation tools, a prodigious number of children's trifling halfpenny knives, and some few dozen
scissars [sic] of the same description. 14
I am charitable enough to think the benevolent gentleman who purchased those goods had a double purpose in
view, viz. to serve his sister, 15 from whom he bought them—and the persons to
whom they are sent; but certainly he was unacquainted with the quality of the latter articles, or he must have known they
were very improper gifts of charity.
A part of the store-house being partitioned off for us, we took up our abode there whenever it was ready for our reception—it
is rather larger, and consequently more cool, which is the only preference I can give it to the last habitation.
The men all do duty as militia, and we have a constant guard kept during the night; 16
but the natives seem to dread this spot so much that we see very few, and I really think have less to fear from them than
our own people, who are extremely turbulent, and so unruly at times that 'tis with difficulty Falconbridge can assuage them,
or preserve the least decorum.
He was desired by the Company to build a fort, and they sent out six pieces of cannon, which are now on board the Lapwing—but
omitted to send carriages, and consequently the guns are useless; though if they were compleat, Falconbridge thinks
it would not be prudent to trust them with the present settlers from a belief that they might apply them improperly.
He is also requested by his instructions to collect as many samples of country productions as he can, and he wished to
employ some of the people in that way, but none would give their services for less than half a guinea per day, which price
he has been forced to pay them. This is the greatest instance of ingratitude I ever met with.
We were alarmed a little while since by dreadful shouts in the vicinity of our town, and supposed the natives meant to
attack us. Immediately Falconbridge armed his militia and marched out towards where the noise was heard,—they had not
gone far when they met three or four Panyarers, 17 or man thieves, just
in the act of ironing a poor victim they had caught hunting, and the shouts we heard proved to be rejoicings of the banditti.
Falconbridge did not think it advisable to rescue the prisoner by force or to interfere further than what words would do;
and as some of the Panyarers spoke English, he remonstrated against the devilish deed they were committing, but to
little effect. They said somebody belonging to the prisoner's town had injured them, and it was the custom of their country
to retaliate on any person living in the same place with an offender, if they could not get himself, which the present case
was an example of.
They then carried him away, and in all probability this man will be deprived of his liberty while he lives by the barbarous
customs of his country, for the imaginary offences of another.
I omitted mentioning in my last letter that the day after we arrived at Bance Island, Mr. William Falconbridge, in consequence
of a trifling dispute with his brother, separated from us, and went into the service of Messrs. Anderson's [sic], but
his constitution was not adapted for this unhospitable climate. He went down the coast to York Island, in the river Sherbro,
about twenty leagues distance, where he was unavoidably exposed to the severity of the weather, from which he got a fever;
and although he immediately returned to Bance Island and had every assistance administered, yet, I am sorry to say, the irresistible
conqueror, Death, made all endeavours fruitless, and hurried him to eternity yesterday, after a short illness of four
days.
The tornados, or thunder squalls, which set in at this season of the year preceding the continued rains, have commenced
some time. The vivid intense lightning from dismal black clouds make them awfully beautiful. They are accompanied with violent
winds and heavy rains, succeeded by an abominable stench from the earth and disagreeable hissings and noises from frogs, crickets,
and many other insects which the rains draw out.
Musquettos [sic] also are growing so troublesome as to oblige us to keep continued smokes in and about the house.
[Mosquito nets had not yet been invented.] I have not seen any serpents, but am told there are abundance, and some very venomous. Here are a vast variety
of beautiful lizards constantly about the door catching flies: and I have often seen the changable camelion [sic].
Anna Maria has no way of knowing that the mosquitos carry malaria, endemic in the area, and the cause of many of the fevers
she writes about. As for serpents, the peninsula has green mambas (deadly), kraits (also deadly), night adders (deadly), and
spitting cobras (not deadly, but a real danger when spitting poison into human eyes). She does not mention spiders, some as
big as saucers, which crawl out of their hiding places after dark.
We have not yet been troubled by any of the ferocious wild beasts which inhabit the mountains of Sierra Leone; but I understand
there are numbers, both tygers [sic] and lions, besides divers other kinds. 18
I have now in spirits [ in a bottle of alcohol] an uncommon
insect, which was caught here a day or two ago, in the act of stinging a Lascar, (one of the settlers).19 It is rather larger than a locust, covered with a tortoise coloured shell, has forceps like a lobster, and
thin transparent wings like a fly; the bite has thrown the poor Lascar into a dreadful fever, which I fear will carry him
off.
I have three monkies, one a very handsome Capuchin, with a sulphur coloured beard of great length. Nature seems to have
been astonishingly sportive in taste and prodigality here, both of vegetable and animal productions, for I cannot stir out
without admiring the beauties or deformities of her creation. Every thing I see is entirely new to me, and notwithstanding
the eye quickly becomes familiarized and even satiated with views which we are daily accustomed to; yet there is such a variety
here as to afford a continual zest to the sight.
To be frank, if I had a little agreeable society, a few comforts, and could insure the same good health I have hitherto
enjoyed, I should not be against spending some years of my life in Africa; but wanting those sweeteners of life, I certainly
wish to return to where they may be had.
This is the first time that Anna Maria admits in her journal that she is both lonesome and homesick. Falconbridge is not
a happy camper, nor does he notice his young wife gritting her teeth at his obliviousness of her feelings.
When that will be is not in my power at present to tell; but if I have a chance of writing to you again, I then may be
able. In the interim accept an honest farewel [sic] from
Your affectionate
Endnotes:
1. Matthews and Winterbottom expanded on its symbolic significance. Cola, writes Matthews,
"is presented to guests at their arrival and departure—sent in complimentary presents to chiefs—is a considerable
article of inland trade . . . and frequently made the token of peace or war." Matthews, Voyage, p. 60. "Kola is always
presented to guests, in visits of ceremony or of friendship, and is looked upon as a mark of great politeness . . . at public
meetings, or palavers between different nations, it is a substitute for the olive branch." Winterbottom, An Account,
vol. 1, p. 77. Kola also formed an important part of the red water ordeal. See A.P. Kup, ed., Adam Afzelius, Sierra Leone
Journals, 1795-96 (Uppsala, 1967) , p. 25.
2. Here is the forerunner of the enthusiastic responses characteristic
of African-American church congregations today.
3. Among native African women, hysteria,
"and the whole train of nervous diseases are totally unknown." Winterbottom, An Account, vol. 2, p. 205.
5. Made
a retiring bow.
6. The French had been on this island since 1785, when Naimbana granted it
to them. Renaud (‘Rennieu’), the Agent in Falconbridge’s time, was on good terms with the colony. In 1796,
Despite being at war with all British shipping in the area, the Frenchman was reluctant to attack the settlement. Afzelius,
Journal, pp. 135, 83.
7. Also known as John Henry Naimbana, or the ‘Black Prince’
(1767-1793). Zachary Macaulay published an account of his life in 1796, entitled The African Prince, reproduced in
full in P. Edwards and J. Walvin, ed., Black Personalities of the Era of the Slave Trade (London: Macmillan, 1983),
pp. 204-210.
8. "... the natives of the sea-coast will
not permit the import of [salt] in European vessels, because it would interfere with the only article of their own manufacture
which they have for inland trade." Matthews, A Voyage, p. 146.
9. Salt, "is
an article so highly valued, and so eagerly sought after, by the natives, that they will part with their wives and children,
and everything dear to them, to obtain it, when they have not slaves to dispose of; and it always makes a part of the merchandize
for the purchase of slaves in the interior country." Matthews, Voyage, p. 146. ‘Refuse slaves’ was a slave-trader’s
term for the physically worthless. One of Thomas Clarkson’s queries to his brother John was, "whether having old slaves
to sell they [the Africans] put them to Death when they cannot find a Purchaser, or put them into their Plantations to work."
British Library, Clarkson Papers, Additional Manuscripts 4126A, vol. 1.
10. Falconbridge’s servant, Theodore Kalingee. Fyfe, A History, p. 30.
11. Anna Maria says 46, but reports indicate that 64 were actually
assembled. Possible typo?
12. Located on Fourah Bay, about
three miles east of the original settlement.
13. Falconbridge’s
account has been treated with great skepticism in some quarters. For some reasoned objections, see C. Fyfe, A History of
Sierra Leone (London: Oxford University Press, 1962). Fyfe, in Anna Maria Falconbridge, elucidates:
"The story of this ‘Gothic infringement on human Liberty’ has been repeated again and again. But the details are
dubious. The very comprehensive official papers dealing with the embarkation of the ‘Black Poor’, and listing
the white women passengers, give no hint of their having been abducted (PRO, series TI, in bundles 630-38, 641-43). More significantly,
the London newspapers, most of which were extremely hostile to the scheme, and gave it a lot of adverse publicity, did not
mention something that would have been ready-made to discredit it, if it had been authentic. Such ‘marriages’
were not valid under the then English law, and as several months elapsed between the period when the women embarked, and their
final sailing for Sierra Leone, anyone who had wanted to, could have gone ashore. So even if brought on board in a drunken
state, they must have agreed to stay—indeed at least a dozen of them signed the agreement signed by the other settlers
contracting themselves to be bound by the rules of the settlement . . .. Nor were there "upwards of one hundred." The sailing
lists show sixty-three "White Women married to Black Men," and another seven "White Women waiting to be married." Public Record
Office, TI/643.487.
14.
The latter two items could be used as trade goods to barter food from the Africans.
15. "Granville Sharp’s brother James was a London ironmonger. When
he died, Sharp managed the business for his widow. Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 41.
16. Under Sharp’s eccentric constitution of ‘Frankpledge’,
all householders were obliged to participate in ‘watch and ward’, i.e., serve as militiamen for the protection
of the community.
17. "Another word from Portuguese,
apanhar, to catch." Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 41.
18. "Lions
are said to be on the heights of Sierra-Leone; but I never yet saw any myself, nor have any persons upon whose veracity I
could depend; but they have leopards in aboundance, equally fierce and rapacious as the lion." Matthews, Voyage, pp.
39-40.
19.
Lascar: an East Indian sailor, ‘a tent-pitcher’, an inferior class of artilleryman,
or in the Portuguese laschar, native police or soldier (OED). "The ‘Black Poor’ included a few Lascar seamen
stranded in London." Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 43.
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